China’s Foreign Policy: Who Makes It, and How Is It Made? by Gilbert Rozman (eds.)

By Gilbert Rozman (eds.)

Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan convention to hide the tip of 2011, this ebook displays the kingdom of study at the eve of the $64000 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.

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Extra resources for China’s Foreign Policy: Who Makes It, and How Is It Made?

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Yet, because the pressure for conformity is strong, it is quite possible that rising leaders privately harbor a preference for changes in China’s foreign policy they dare not express. Even if that is the case, however, their ability to act on any such preferences once they assume office will continue to be constrained by the rules of the game that all leaders in China have understood since the early 1990s. The days of strongman rule are over. 4 While it is hard to measure precisely the degree to which the power of the party general secretary, who remains primus inter pares, has declined, not since Deng Xiaoping has a CCP leader been able to rely on his personal clout to dominate decision-making within the collective leadership.

This was followed by “the color revolutions” elsewhere that in some cases replaced lingering Soviet-era strongmen with new leaders, yet again political transformations that the CCP’s leaders apparently believe were significantly influenced by meddling Western nongovernmental organizations. And, of course, most recently, the CCP has been shaken by the fear that the demands for political change that have threatened or toppled authoritarian leaders in North Africa and the Middle East, changes in which the support from the Western community has been explicit, could have echoes in China.

And in early 2012, when it hosted with its ASEAN neighbors, Beijing continued its recent emphasize on dialogue and diplomacy to manage the as yet unresolved territorial and maritime disputes. The most likely approach for the fifth-generation leaders will be to continue this ongoing end-of-term effort by the fourth generation to repair the damage to China’s ASEAN relations. Of all China’s sensitive substantive foreign policy challenges, however, the South China Sea may eventually offer the CCP’s new leaders their best opportunity for foreign policy innovation.

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